About My Father’s Class Change

My father started farming in his hometown in his early years, tilled the fields for several years, at that time there was also a grain tax, but he also wanted to find some other work to do. Later he learned a craft for a year and became a bricklayer, but he still farmed at home. After 1998, through others’ introductions, he went to Shandong to work, at that time the wage was 39 yuan a day. He then worked under various small private bosses for a while, then after a period of time there was no work, so he roamed everywhere. In 2004 he was even deceived by a pyramid scheme to the northeast; halfway through he realized he had been scammed, so he first worked in a city in the northeast, then went to Beijing for two years. He went to Jiangsu and various places; wherever there was work, he went. Later he went to Shanghai (it was 2010, at that time it was 150 yuan a day). In 2015 he then went to Shenzhen (this time 300). Finally he returned to his hometown to work. I asked my dad whether there were construction companies at that time, why not go in to work, why keep roaming for jobs. My dad said there was no connection; you couldn’t get into a company. I originally thought it was like recruitment on construction sites—a strong guy could get in. But thinking about it now, there are also a lot of black intermediaries; without going through an intermediary, you can’t get in. Back then migrant workers faced a lot of discrimination; their position was very similar to what is now called the self-employed population, used when needed and discarded when not needed. My dad also banded with other migrant workers when outside; otherwise you’d be bullied. If wages were owed, you’d have to strike together for wages. In his later years, after returning to his hometown, at first he worked in a county near his hometown, with higher pay. At that time wages were quite high, about 400 a day, but his work-related injuries began to affect him a bit. He felt that within several years his labor capacity had dropped a notch; previously outside, he worked at least ten-something hours, now at home eight hours was already hard to endure. Mainly bricklayers carried heavy loads and repeatedly crouched, causing serious knee injuries. Even now, on weekends he doesn’t work. On one hand, he can’t work, and on the other, the community doesn’t allow weekend work due to disturbing residents. Later he worked with his master, two people sharing the wage. My view is that the years of farming in his early life did not have a big impact on my dad; he didn’t like farming because it was hard and the earnings were too little. The main influence came from early-to-mid outsourcing and late return-to-farmwork, as seen in our conversations. He is very content; he thinks although the work is hard, the return is good. It shows that the long-term labor work affected him, though the impact varied at different stages.

He hopes I can have a petite-bourgeois, content life. He bought my mother a pension (this thing is truly ridiculous; you have to pay for 25 years to get money, totaling 200,000 yuan; with inflation, I advised my dad not to pay, pure deception). His purpose is to reduce my retirement burden.

In the early to mid period, my dad was young and strong, living by selling labor, mainly piecework (i.e., fixed wages, you finish at a set time). In the late period he returned to his hometown to work as a contractor, but not exploiting others; he would take on small jobs himself, usually repairing small houses. People wanted to renovate new houses, rather than commercial sites or hotels, which private individuals could not contract alone, so he worked under a foreman. My dad’s combative spirit gradually wore down; on one hand, age increased and ambition waned, on the other hand, working for himself as a contractor meant he did not suffer exploitation from a foreman, and the industry has certain barriers, allowing him to earn above-average wages. His wages now are also over 400 a day; occasionally, when the work is good, it can be 500 (at the time, it’s estimated that he benefited from the real estate bubble. The current situation is much worse, mainly because there is far less work; there are no larger construction sites locally). But still, with his long-term working experience, he has shaped a worldview more advanced than the average farmer. For example, he does not believe in ghosts, does not believe in empty talk. In the countryside, after capitalism’s restoration, various superstitions spread again. People attach importance to worshiping graves, but he neither kowtows nor burns paper. He thinks such things are useless; better to cut the bamboo and grass around the grave and see if there are any nice plants to dig up to plant at home. However, he insists on burial in the ground, which shows some remnants. My grandfather (who was purely farming) was unhappy with his actions, more concerned with appearances.

Overall, I think he initially farmed, but was not heavily influenced by this mode of production, mainly growing up in a rural environment with lingering traditional ideas. In the early-to-mid period, as part of the proletariat, his struggle was strong, but in later years back home, his life became relatively stable and he became a petit bourgeois, which wore down his militancy. If I want to proletarianize and avoid opportunistic study to gain status, he doesn’t understand but respects me. I think the main issue is that his militancy has weakened and he cannot comprehend it. It is reflected in him not believing he can change society (though he isn’t very resolute about it; I think perhaps he doesn’t want me to do this, which is why he says that. I want to prove through practical actions). On the other hand, he doesn’t understand the principles of Marx and Lenin and Stalin, doesn’t know how the exploiting classes make money by sucking blood. I talked with him and explained, hoping he would understand and support me.

Regarding my father’s class status changes, because my knowledge of Marx and Lenin is quite shallow, I only have a rough inquiry, so I want to ask everyone."

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Why so long to pay? Shouldn’t it be 20 years?

The shortest would be 15 years, I suppose there are both longer and shorter ones.

I mainly want to know whether my father’s way of working in his later years should be considered petty bourgeois, after all he was not exploited by factories.

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I remember Comrade Fenghuo once said something similar: before the Communist Party appeared, before there was leadership, workers would regard themselves as small-bourgeois. My father is somewhat like your father, but to me he feels very Confucian, for example: “Marxism is outdated.” Sometimes the ideas he expresses are similar to your father’s, such as criticizing “the Communist Party,” criticizing Xi Jinping. But overall, the results of his practices led him to become more like a petite bourgeois person, for example working to make money, finding ways to earn more, and taking care of his small family, etc., which makes them “like” petit bourgeois. I’m not sure how to explain it precisely; I think it’s because their practical scope doesn’t go beyond capitalist society. At the same time, I think you should learn more about your father’s thoughts, such as his views on your future. Use a two-sided analysis to determine whether petit-bourgeois thought plays the dominant role, or whether the proletarian ideological forces are stronger in comparison.

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It should be said that your father initially was a small agricultural producer, then for a period was in the economic position of the proletariat, and finally again became petit bourgeois. However, throughout the entire process, he did not develop class consciousness of the proletariat, always treating himself as petit bourgeois, thus pursuing wealth.

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What were the conflicts between you and your father about in the past? They don’t seem to be mentioned in this post or in your self-introduction.

Are you on good terms with your father? Considering your father’s experience, he is now actually a petite bourgeoisie pursuing wealth, such people are very conservative and backward in thought, and they are unlikely to support your idea of dropping out to work. It’s best not to talk to your family about these revolutionary matters.

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Saying it this way might be wrong; as a small producer, your father is not exploited, he has obtained all the value created by labor

Things are going well now. In the past the main argument was that I couldn’t recognize the root of the problem, and that was a petty-bourgeois flaw. The struggle method was wrong, and I argued with him for years; he has changed somewhat. He is also a reasonable person, but what he mainly recognizes is the petty-bourgeois logic. It is impossible for him to betray me in any way or to stop me from doing anything.

I just don’t want to study, binge on my phone and indulge myself; he wants me to study properly, but I wasn’t capable of fighting correctly at the time, I was completely a petty-bourgeois decadent student. He is actually very self-disciplined, but I was too muddled then, understanding nothing.

Since he is talking about the reasoning of a petit-bourgeois individual rising, he will not understand you. If he doesn’t understand you, then you should not talk to him about revolution. Reasoning has its limits; “geometric axioms, if they contravene people’s interests, will also be opposed.” You said he recognizes the petit-bourgeois principles, so he might not proactively report you, but he also will not keep your secrets when personal interests are threatened.

The closest family members you are most familiar with, if not viewed through class analysis, actually don’t understand their thoughts either; moreover, revolution is not a family matter, you should not talk to him about revolution.

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The petty bourgeoisie are not revolutionary, but conservative. Not only that, they are even reactionary, because they strive to turn history’s wheel backward. If you say they are revolutionary, it is because they are about to join the ranks of the proletariat. If you say your father is now living a stable life as a petty bourgeois, that determines that his worldview is certainly conservative and reactionary, and revolution means breaking this stable, selfish life. I want to ask, what exactly caused you to argue with your father before? If, when you carry out revolutionary activities, it affects his stable life, and the police come knocking to threaten him, he will be the first to betray you.

The reason why “twelve-thirty” thinks his family wouldn’t betray him is to say that he believes his relationship with his family is the best. This shows that “twelve-thirty” understands relationships between people as relationships of interest, and in a capitalist society, family relations involve inheritance, so this kind of relationship becomes the most利益相关 meaning the most利益-related, i.e., the closest intimacy. Since your father’s relationship with you ultimately is this kind of利益关系, if you go off to revolution, you would be destroying this利益关系, and then your father would have no reason not to betray you.

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You’re right, this comes down to interests at stake, but I’ve always been undermining his interests as well (though compared to a revolution, this is trivial). Actually his ideas about getting rich weren’t very strong. I told him very early that I would never get married (at that time I was both dissatisfied with society and driven by petty-bourgeois ideas, which is how this mindset came about), but he didn’t care (for someone who wants to get rich, descendants are too important). So I think my understanding of him is still too limited. I’m planning to sit down and talk to him properly later, and analyze it: if he still pursues a petty-bourgeois mindset of getting rich, then I definitely won’t reveal anything.

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Yes, mostly related to speculation, now I understand, and some are related to the bad things I did (not many).

Bad thing? What bad thing?

Just a few minor issues, really. For example, there was a time when I was running around with my dad’s phone, not paying attention, and dropped it into water.

At half past twelve you still haven’t used class analysis to analyze your own father. At half past twelve you can go and look at the works of Japan’s great proletarian writer Kobayashi Takiji, The Party Lives of People and Mothers; both are in Kobayashi Takiji Anthology, Volume 3, and I’ve sent the book here directly.

KOBAKYOU Takiji Anthology. Vol.3.pdf (10.6 MB)

There are forum posts that specifically analyze the fourth chapter selection from The Party Lives, the sections of “I” and “Mother.” This part focuses on how the proletariat’s family ties align with and support the interests of the proletarian struggle. “I” is an underground member of the Japanese Communist Party. “My” mother is a rural poor peasant; her more than fifty years of life have been spent in the abyss of poverty, and she harbors lifelong hatred toward the ruling class. Therefore, the love between “I” and my mother, and my love for my mother, fully coincide with the revolutionary interests of the proletariat. They both harbor a deep hatred for the capitalist society and desperately want to overturn it, which is why they love each other selflessly. When they finally meet again after “I” has gone underground, my mother tells “me,” “When I didn’t see you, I was uneasy day and night; now that I’ve seen you, I’m afraid to think that perhaps this meeting might lead to you being arrested.” Now let’s go back.

She also says, “And this anxious meeting with you is not as good as not meeting you at all—knowing that you’re doing well in your spirit at work is what makes my heart feel much better. I am sixty years old this year, and though I still hope to live another twenty years, to eighty, I am already sixty; perhaps I could die tomorrow. I know that if you come home from work when I am on my deathbed, it would be dangerous for you, so I will not let you know when I die.”

The reason the mother wants to see “I” continuing to work well is that she hopes her son will contribute to the revolutionary movement and bring an end to the days of suffering for the working people as soon as possible. For the son’s safety and for the revolutionary interests, “I”’s mother decides to die without letting him know.

This great family love exists only for the proletariat, because the proletariat is the most selfless. “Because the proletariat has no private property burden, it consistently engages in collective labor and communal living. In a collectivity with equal status and mutual aid, it has cultivated a spirit of selflessness. Because the proletariat has no private property, there is no activity to defend or manage private property, and thus no private-mindedness either. The proletariat is the only class in human history since entering class society that has no private concept; it is the only class whose private interests do not exist, and its class interests are to abolish all class distinctions themselves, therefore the proletariat is the most advanced class and the only one capable of leading the proletarian revolution.” (The Flame: “Guide to Ideological Struggle”)

In capitalist society, only those with a certain amount of private property—that is, the bourgeoisie—live a relatively secure life. Your father currently lives quite comfortably; in terms of class status, he is a small-bourgeois contractor running small private projects, enjoying the benefits of the “labor barrier.” How could such a person not defend his private property? How could he not have a private concept? Your father’s class position determines that he cannot support your revolution; he will inevitably oppose your involvement in the revolutionary movement. This does not mean your father is morally corrupt; it is determined by his class position.

In terms of public-private consciousness, the petty bourgeoisie is selfish. Its ideological basis is bourgeois individualism. The petty bourgeoisie is a non-basic class, not one of the two opposing classes in production mode; its thinking is not independent, but is largely determined by bourgeois ideology, though it differs in some aspects. As noted above, the petty bourgeoisie’s sphere of life and production is narrow, and it only cares about its own interests, so it is a selfish class. “They are not revolutionary, but conservative. Moreover, they are even reactionary, because they strive to turn the wheels of history backward.”② However, precisely because their sphere of production and life is narrow, the petty bourgeoisie does not possess the same ambitious goals as the bourgeoisie, and will not go to the extent of sacrificing the overwhelming majority’s interests for their own profit. In this respect, they are different from the bourgeoisie, which conducts large-scale exploitation and competition. On the other hand, the petty bourgeoisie is sometimes oppressed and exploited by the bourgeoisie and has the desire to resist the capitalist system, but it is for themselves. The petty bourgeoisie’s hopes in capitalist society are either to maintain the status quo or to fantasize about becoming a new exploiting class, rather than to abolish the exploitative system. Therefore, ideological reform is necessary for the petty bourgeoisie. “If one says they are revolutionary, it is because they are about to join the ranks of the proletariat; then they no longer defend their current interests, but defend their future interests; they abandon their former stance and take up the position of the proletariat.” (The Flame: “Guide to Ideological Struggle”)

Half past twelve, in beautifying their own father so much, actually has its own class interests. I had been beautifying my shameless mother all along—on one hand I was deceived by her, but on the other hand I wanted to enjoy the material comforts provided by my old family, so I harbored parasitic fantasies, neglected to analyze her social and economic position using class analysis, and instead focused only on her being abused by my father and her infidelity, thinking my shameless mother was a “suffering woman.” My parasitic mother also frequently gave me small favors, bought me food, drink, and clothes. This behavior also serves class interests; she hopes that I will become a person who loves luxury and comfort, so that I can be used for my mother’s future gains, to control me and squeeze money from me. She also said she wanted to take me to beauty treatments, which is really to have me fetch a good price when I marries; her plan is obvious. Therefore, you cannot just look at what someone gives you—food, clothes, and flattering words—and you must analyze these phenomena with a lens of class struggle, while discarding your own private desire for easy living in the old society. Later, with the help of the association and as my mother’s ugly true face became more and more exposed, I finally realized that this shameless person is extremely selfish and self-serving. She is a parasite among parasites, who never works, always remotely commands my father to earn money, she is responsible for spending and building connections; major family affairs are actually all decided by my shameless mother, though she still seeks profit for the whole family. Therefore, in my eyes, she is merely a long-term deception and investment, a very compliant and obedient tool; she only wants me to finish university so she can sell me for a good price later. She once arrogantly said that if I married, the bride price must be high, otherwise she would lose, and that I must give her a twenty-thousand-yen dowry; I must also, in addition to giving her twenty thousand in dowry, take care of her unconditionally in my old age. When I clearly stated I would not provide for her, she said she would not let me attend college and locked me at home, illegally imprisoning me. My father also rantingly said that today seeing me like this “white-eyed wolf,” he wants to kill me; they had already subjected me to human‑experiment control and even beat me.

Therefore, if you approach your family only from the perspective of personal interests and not from class struggle or political viewpoints, such judgments will bring great danger to you and to the revolution.

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