The ideological issue of my contempt for the masses

October 29, 2025, The Issue of Looking Down on the Masses

Recently, in my interactions with classmates, I increasingly feel that I have a philosophical problem: looking down on the masses.
The material of the problem is: I only have basic respect for the masses I want to promote; for other masses, I do whatever I want, whatever I like, regardless of whether it might affect them or not.
And if I find that the masses I want to promote are not suitable for promotion, I will also abandon this respect, and switch to doing whatever I want without respecting the masses.
This is a utilitarian, pragmatic form of respecting the masses.
Moreover, I am not honest, have personalism, and even do not follow basic rules like not cutting in line or flushing the toilet in school.
It’s just that I do whatever I want, without putting the masses in my eyes.
I kept dropping my book, making loud noises that disturbed my deskmate, and then my deskmate and the teacher reported it.
I thought to myself: You lowly person, just wait, dare to report me, do you know I am a revolutionary?

I have a few doubts:
First, what is the correct way to interact with petty bourgeois classmates, and should I consider their feelings?
Can I look down on them and do whatever I want just because I am interacting with petty bourgeois classmates?

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How to properly view the backward aspects of the masses?

And students of petty bourgeoisie should carry the view of interactions from Legalism, under the guidance of Marxism, using ancient Chinese and foreign ideas, as well as modern bourgeois democratic thoughts as a shell. For example, when talking about petty bourgeois love, you can mention Wei Zheng’s attitude towards romantic interactions, etc. When they show backwardness, such as indulging in games and pleasures, you can talk about the affairs of Emperor Zhu Yunwen of the Ming Dynasty, who was addicted to pleasures. Pay more attention to how revolutionaries delve into the masses and communicate with them in historical deeds.

Furthermore, based on studying Marxism, learn more about modern Chinese history, using the slogans of advanced bourgeois democratic and revolutionary factions within it as your learning material. When they deny you, tell historical anecdotes, look at historical events in ancient and modern Chinese history, and then relate them to the real society, attempting to analyze with Marxism, and establish some principles and bottom lines for yourself. Moreover, petty bourgeois students should have an understanding of contemporary history and Chinese politics.

In games and personal pleasures, observe a few classmates more, see which class and worldview their individualistic enjoyment ideas come from. Consider the philosophies of modern bourgeoisie that promote such worldviews. Finally, when discussing future prospects, promote Marxism to them.

Then, communicate more in daily life, eat together more often, and ideally gather after class, in a collective living and exchange format, to understand your classmates’ ideological state roughly. Learn how to interact with them, help them struggle against academic pressures, parents, parasitic lifestyles, and their nostalgic longing for capitalism. Use a solid philosophical foundation and comprehensive Marxism to explain to them the process of their ideological changes. To understand them, first have a clear understanding of your own ideological state, perhaps by writing a school diary to let the collective better understand your thoughts.

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I think it is good to cultivate the virtue of helping others first, and to think more about the interests of students.

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Wunong’s思想, is a kind of bourgeois精神贵族思想. I myself have had similar situations to Wunong before, because I read a little and understood a little truth, I felt good about myself and considered myself a so-called hero above the masses. Conversely, I looked down on the masses, thinking that they needed me, this enlightenment figure, to awaken them. This bourgeois精神贵族, the思想 of only我独革, is actually a manifestation of detachment from society and the people. In fact, it is quite the opposite; it is precisely oneself who needs to combine labor, connect with events, humbly learn from those oppressed people across various social strata and the broad masses of workers, and transform one’s own petty bourgeoisie shortcomings in思想.

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Recently, I read a quote from Mr. Lu Xun: “Gradually drifting away from the people,” and I have been experiencing this trend myself. I must persist in fighting against this individualistic misconception. I also need to learn to analyze myself more ruthlessly and frequently.

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The backward thoughts of the masses are a product of the reactionary society imposed on them. I believe we should be more tolerant of the masses and help them correct their ideas, while constantly reminding ourselves that our own thoughts are not mature and we should remain humble.

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I am going to school now, and I will come back in the evening to check everyone’s messages. Thank you all for your help!

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Yes, even university students have elitist ideas, believing that they create history and dominate everything.

In interactions with classmates, it is necessary to consider the feelings of others. The petty bourgeoisie also tends to lean towards revolution; they are not the bourgeoisie, and should not engage in egocentric revolution. Moreover, you are also petty bourgeoisie, the difference is only in having come into contact with Marxist ideas for transformation. Individualism is bourgeois ideology. If you regularly engage in behaviors that harm others and benefit yourself, how can you talk about being a Marxist or doing propaganda work for the masses? The Five Peasants also have attitudes like “despised people,” which shows that on this bourgeois individualist ideology, they treat Marxism as a superior title and elite, looking down on others as spiritual aristocrats.

Only those who are to be promoted deserve “basic respect”; others are “doing their own thing.” I think this kind of thinking needs to be discussed further. But, what kind of “respect” do you have for the people you want to promote? I think there are also problems with this. Holding a mentality of spiritual aristocracy, perhaps you just think that those who can promote will talk politics, criticize the Chinese revisionists, and share “common topics” with you, thus looking up to the other party. But such propaganda ultimately is not genuine thorough respect and equality, but turns into “playing the mentor” and “big brother” disciplining the younger brother, satisfying one’s own vanity—an opportunist behavior.

What exactly does the Five Peasants see as the backwardness of their classmates? Before discussing this point, it might be good to also reflect on your own behaviors that violate petty bourgeois morals, such as not flushing the toilet or cutting in line—these are also forms of backwardness, aren’t they? As for backwardness, we all know that currently petty bourgeois students indulge in various pleasures and hold reactionary ideas. The environment for communication in classrooms and dormitories is vulgar or even filthy. But we should recognize that students, as petty bourgeois, are not directly involved in exploitation practices and are also oppressed in capitalist society, showing tendencies towards revolution. Among classmates, there is dissatisfaction with schools, parents, and even Nazi ideology. In school, they can also analyze class distinctions, understand their classmates’ worldviews, and see the contradictions between progress and backwardness, oppression and bullying. These are opportunities for Marxists to do work—unite and encourage the oppressed, and spread Marxist ideas. For example, girls often face various disgusting sexual jokes and insults from boys, both in front of and behind the scenes. By setting an example, explaining and criticizing pornographic ideas, you may face opposition from some right-wing petty bourgeois classmates, but you will gain recognition from others.

The soil for students to develop a mentality of spiritual aristocracy is a parasitic life that is detached from the masses, extremely closed and narrow. In fact, they do not have enough understanding of those around them. When I was in high school, I learned that my deskmate’s parents were workers oppressed by capitalists, and she herself was also oppressed by her family elders. At that time, I thought this “matched what I read in books,” and used my knowledge gained from reading to boast and promote the idea that revisionism is a phenomenon of capitalist society and the dark side of the education system, trying to persuade her not to engage in opportunism. But in reality, I was disconnected from reality, and she, as a woman from an oppressed working-class family, knew more about these issues. So, in fact, I learned from her past experiences, which educated me about many real-life situations faced by women today.

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On the other hand, the principle of Marxism is to punish the past to prevent future mistakes, to cure diseases and save people. Currently, the broad masses of students under the heavy oppression of the bourgeoisie in the Chinese reform society and academia, especially among women who are under even deeper oppression from the wicked Confucian capitalism, mainly hold the idea of pursuing personal liberation and equality for all. Marxism is the ideology that helps them achieve liberation. Therefore, this requires Marxists to actively transform their own thoughts while helping these oppressed people. Wu Nong treats most students as equals, respects their opinions when communicating with them, considers their ideological awareness, and, on the premise of maintaining Marxist principles, becomes friends with them in daily life, talking about everything. When they face the unreasonable oppression of the rotten old nine, they should set an example, take the lead in opposing oppression, help them recognize the nature of these oppressions, and even extend to criticizing the entire Chinese reform society and academic system, criticizing the entire reform social system. Only in this way can the goal of transforming one’s subjective world while transforming the objective world be achieved. It is also shameful to say that I myself have not thoroughly done these things I mentioned above, but I hope to help farmers reform their own thoughts. I must continue to reflect on my own problems and work towards this direction.

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I feel that the view of interaction advocated by the Erxinji School of Legalism is also incorrect. Legalism is merely a rising class with progressive significance, a exploitative class, ultimately detached from the masses. It is too strange to use the view of interaction from Legalism to explain social relations. Liu Yuxi was a Legalist, but he also said, “Talking and laughing with scholars, no common folk in the exchanges”; Bai Juyi was also a Legalist, but he also said, “Are there no mountain songs and village flutes? Mumble and chattering are hard to listen to.” Ultimately, Legalism is also a ruling class, and the landlords of Legalism also discriminate against the working people. This view of interaction is no fundamentally different from the Confucian landlord class’s “out of the mud yet untainted, washed clean but not bewitching.” I don’t understand why the Erxinji School emphasizes learning from Legalism and bourgeois democrats; shouldn’t they first learn from the proletarian revolutionaries? Since we are followers of Marxism, of course, we must take the proletariat as our behavioral standard and the proletarian view of social relations as our learning direction. This is reflected in the “Guidelines for Ideological Struggle,” which describes the proletarian view of social relations:

In terms of social interaction, the proletariat is united, the bourgeoisie is scheming against each other, and the petty bourgeoisie is indifferent and ruthless. The differences among these classes in this regard are all determined by their most fundamental ideological differences—the differences in their views on public and private interests. Because the proletariat has no private interests and no private property concepts, and often takes unified action and forms a unified ideology in collective activities, the proletariat always emphasizes unity in interpersonal relations and can truly maintain unity.

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[I think, Wunong, post:1, topic:2020]
I have a few doubts: First, what is the correct way to interact with classmates who are small bourgeoisie, and should I consider others’ feelings?
Can I look down on them just because my interactions with classmates are also small bourgeoisie?
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Of course not. You must consider others’ feelings. It seems that Wunong raising this question (whether I can be self-willed or should consider others’ feelings) also indicates that his past life was too selfish and rarely considered others’ feelings. But on the other hand, it also shows that Wunong’s ideological struggle has achieved some results, and he is beginning to reflect on his views on social interactions.
First, “small bourgeoisie” is not a derogatory term that cannot be spoken of openly (only those who regard Marxism as a noble spiritual aristocracy would think they can use this term to belittle others). “Small bourgeoisie classmates” are also ordinary people, members of the petty bourgeoisie. Secondly, the behaviors Wunong mentioned earlier (such as jumping the queue, not flushing the toilet) are selfish and self-centered acts that prioritize personal comfort over others’ feelings; these are individualistic behaviors that are problematic in themselves, regardless of whether others are petty bourgeoisie or not. It is wrong to excuse one’s own problems by pointing to others’ issues.
“Not considering others’ feelings,” “being self-willed,” these habits are inherently wrong and do not conform to Marxist requirements; they are unrelated to whom one interacts with. This exposes Wunong’s selfish and rationalizing mindset.
Here, I can give an example: in the past, I saw some people hold the mistaken idea that after the revolution’s victory, they could impose various extreme punishments or persecutions on the bourgeoisie, but this is also wrong. Because extreme punishments and persecutions are ultimately acts of the exploiting class to satisfy their oppressive ideology and perverse tastes; the proletariat would not do these things nor have any interest in doing so.

Wunong should think carefully and deeply about why he holds such utilitarian attitudes when communicating with others. Since he respects the target audience of propaganda but is selfish and self-interested outside of that, it indicates that this respect is not genuine; it is more or less mixed with private ownership ideas, or it is a kind of hypocritical respect. Because a Marxist would not just use some Marxism here and abandon it elsewhere, treating political literacy as something to be discarded after work. Wunong should reflect on what purpose he has when interacting with others, what effect this respect aims to achieve.
This attitude is not truly aimed at helping others with ideological transformation or promoting revolutionary theory; it might be more about showing that he knows more, or establishing authority and prestige in front of others. If someone who claims to be a Marxist in life is also very selfish and does not practice Marxism, the impact is very bad; it can tarnish the reputation of Marxism in the eyes of others.

Like this, Wunong himself made noise without considering others’ feelings, which was wrong. But Wunong thinks others are “lowly people,” and he is a “revolutionary,” so he believes what he does is justified. Think about it—this is not the attitude a revolutionary should have. We are not superior to petty bourgeoisie students; Wunong himself is a petty bourgeoisie student, and everyone has been a student. This is essentially a mindset of exploiting class superiority and selfish indifference disguised as revolutionary righteousness.
It is good that Wunong now dares to analyze himself; if he can recognize these behaviors in himself now, he must have had many in the past as well. Wunong should reflect more on his past wrong actions (some classmates may already have opinions about him), and also consider what long-term practical experiences have shaped his views on social interactions.

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Wunong can also pay more attention to social news and observe the attitudes of the common people. Most of the injustices in the world are exposed by the laboring people with a simple sense of justice and opposition to darkness and oppression. Although they do not understand Marxism, they are the ones with the strongest class feelings and the most sincere sympathy for the oppressed.\n\n

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Why use the landlord class ideology and petty bourgeoisie interaction in modern capitalist society? And I feel it’s very conflicting. This sentence mentions the worldview of the landlord class, the proletariat, and the bourgeoisie, and I don’t understand why it’s analyzed this way.

Studying modern Chinese history should involve analyzing historical events from the perspective of historical materialism, clearly understanding the claims of different classes under different social conditions. Comparing progressive and erroneous claims with Marxist viewpoints, to further learn Marxism? Also, I feel this sentence has an economicist tone because economicists say that workers should be taught economic struggle, but workers in capitalist society will spontaneously grasp economic struggle. You say you want to guide yourself with bourgeois democratic ideas, but petty bourgeoisie activities in capitalist society will spontaneously generate democratic ideas.

Instilling morals and bottom lines in oneself cannot be achieved solely through technical means, because morals and bottom lines reflect a person’s worldview and stance, ultimately a manifestation of class nature. This can only be changed through ideological struggle, and cannot be solved simply by technical means of understanding historical events.

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Because I incorporated part of the bourgeois revolution at the end of the Qing Dynasty, that is, the part where the bourgeoisie overthrew the feudal landlords, at that time many reform figures appeared. The Legalists are because of their simple materialist worldview, and in ancient society, peasant revolutions transformed Legalist materialism. Becoming an advanced part of peasant revolutionary thought. I think democracy should be a social trend, a political faction with a systematic worldview. It should, like the bourgeois revolution, transform democratic ideas into a systematic worldview of democracy. During this period, student freedom and student liberation are linked to social liberation, which should involve a process from contact with democratic ideas to the pursuit of individual democratic freedom. Additionally, I believe students, as petty bourgeoisie, should have practices that align with the petty bourgeoisie worldview.

Another point is the combination of Marxism with the workers’ movement. Without contact with Marxism, how can democratic ideas be transformed into school-based democratic factions? For example, students exploited and oppressed with poor academic performance are easier to understand. From what I know, the so-called ‘Student Marxist Society’ on QQ groups was operated by those from bourgeois or petty bourgeois upper-class families. They were praised by the old nine for their opportunistic achievements since childhood, and in school, they were still the so-called student union presidents with various privileges given by the old nine. It seems that they are lightly oppressed in the bourgeois academies. How could they then turn to studying Marxism? It’s only possible if they pursue individual democratic freedom. From a student’s perspective, how do they develop a perceptual understanding of exploitation, the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, wage slavery, strikes, and imperialism? Since students themselves haven’t worked, their narrow small-scale production practices and lack of contact with workers, and the worldview formed by socialized large-scale production practices are absent. Indirect experiences come from their student circles and the knowledge from textbooks in bourgeois academies, which do not promote these ideas. I don’t understand, and that’s where I think history should inspire their democratic ideas, transforming personal student democracy into collective pursuit of bourgeois democracy and freedom, student equality. The way out is Marxism. That’s roughly the idea. The thinking is wrong, but I’ve given you the thought process.

Not all college students have this mindset, right? It should be analyzed based on specific situations. Saying that all college students have elitist ideas is a bit strange, as it’s a broad generalization that lumps everyone together.

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The oppression students face in school mainly comes from feudal parents and the education system of the Zhongxiu (Reform) movement (although these feudal patriarchs, the economic reasons behind this kind of parents, are not due to China’s so-called feudal land system, but rather the Zhongxiu’s repressive capitalism, which uses Confucian patriarchalism as its means of rule). Feudal parents demand that children constantly engage in speculative activities to inherit and expand their family businesses, and schools are places where Zhongxiu performs these functions. It is evident that the ideological weapons needed by the vast majority of students in China are not the Legalist ideas that represent the interests of small and medium landlords under feudal society in China.
Moreover, even according to modern Chinese history, the Legalists had already become irrelevant; they placed China’s future on an enlightened emperor, hoping to implement reforms without touching the foundation of feudal land ownership. On this basis, they were extremely hostile to the people. When Lin Zexu was ordered to suppress the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom Revolution, he recited two lines of poetry: “If the interests of the nation require life and death, why avoid risks due to blessings or misfortunes?” He died on the way, preserving his integrity. It can be seen that during China’s modern national democratic revolution, the Legalists no longer represented the direction of social progress. If the revolution does not break free from the restrictions of the Legalists and does not touch the feudal land system, success is impossible. The later Taiping Heavenly Kingdom Revolution completely negated the feudal land system and organized the revolution with the utopian ideal of agricultural communism. From this, it can also be seen that your statement that farmers transformed the Legalist worldview into an advanced part of peasant revolutionary thought is completely incorrect.

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I was talking about how bourgeois revolutionary figures act, how they understand the masses, the advanced ideas of each bourgeois revolution, their slogans and programs, which is essentially the part where the bourgeoisie overthrows feudal landlords. At that time, many reformist figures appeared, and Legalism was because of its simple materialist worldview. In ancient society, peasant revolutions transformed Legalism’s materialism, becoming part of the advanced peasant revolutionary thought. I think democracy should be a social trend, a political faction with a systematic worldview. It should, like the bourgeois revolution, transform democratic ideas into a systematic worldview of democracy. During this period, the connection between student freedom, student liberation, and social liberation was made, implying a process from contact with democratic ideas to the pursuit of individual democratic freedom. Additionally, I believe students, as petty bourgeoisie, should have practices aligned with the petty bourgeoisie’s worldview.

Another point is the combination of Marxism with the workers’ movement. Without contact with Marxism, how can democratic ideas be transformed into a school-based democratic faction? It’s easier to understand for students exploited and oppressed, with poor academic performance. From what I know, the so-called ‘Student Marxist Society’ on QQ groups was operated by people from bourgeois or petty bourgeois upper-class backgrounds, who were praised by old nine (a nickname or term) for their opportunistic achievements. They were also the student council presidents or enjoyed various privileges granted by old nine, seemingly under light oppression in the bourgeois universities. How could they pursue Marxism then? It was only about seeking individual democratic freedom. From a student’s perspective, how do they develop a perceptual understanding of exploitation, bourgeois dictatorship, slave labor, strikes, and imperialism? Since students themselves have never worked, their narrow small-scale production practices do not contact workers, and their worldview formed by socialized large-scale production is absent. Their indirect experience, through student circles and knowledge from textbooks in bourgeois universities, does not promote these ideas. The misunderstanding lies here. I think we should use history to inspire their democratic ideas, transforming individual student democracy into collective pursuit of bourgeois democracy and freedom, student equality, etc. The solution is Marxism. Students, being petty bourgeoisie, have a strong bourgeois worldview. They replace their decayed bourgeois worldview with the progressive bourgeois worldview, then use the Marxist worldview to replace the incomplete bourgeois revolutionary worldview. That’s roughly the idea. The thinking is flawed, but I’ve given you the thought process.

And what about the bourgeois pursuit of freedom and democracy during the early bourgeois revolutions? I don’t understand how students transitioned from being exposed to spontaneous democratic ideas to becoming democrats; aren’t democrats political groups with political platforms?